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Donald Trump won the presidency thanks largely to a strong showing among working-class whites. But itā€™s never been clear what, if anything, this meant for conservativesā€™ relationship with organized labor.

As I noted within a month of Trumpā€™s election for The American Conservative, even The Donald himself didnā€™t adopt the unionsā€™ political stances during the campaign. He said, for example, that he supported right-to-work laws. Despite his success with the white working class, he lost union households in general by eight points (which, to be fair, was a huge improvement on the 20-point losses suffered by other recent GOP presidential candidates). His administration hasnā€™t exactly been ā€œpro-laborā€ as the unions would define it, either: As Iā€™ve discussed in this space, his National Labor Relations Board has done about what youā€™d expect from one controlled by Republican appointees, undoing much of what the Obama NLRB put together.

Nonetheless, some populist and ā€œreformā€ conservatives, led by Oren Cass of the think tank American Compass, recently put together a statement urging the Right to support labor reforms. These thinkers donā€™t support the status quo, but they would like to see a new system where labor has a place at the economic table.

In this piece Iā€™d like to explain the way things work now, the problems with it, and the alternatives these folks suggest.

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